Monday, August 20, 2007

The Oppressed Russian Police?

It seems that Moscow's police is seeking protection from the their prosecution for the beating of a new recruit. The police on trial are complaining that they are not being treated fairly. According to Gazeta.ru (my translation):
In December 2006, police officers on trial for the beating of the family of a new recruit, Andrei Zuev, appealed to the Commissioner for Human Rights in the Russian Federation, Vladimir Lukin, to protect law enforcement officials from their victims. Members of the 3rd battalion militia stationed in the Western Administrative District of Moscow sent a detailed letter not only Lukin, but also to the director of the Russian Interior Ministry Rashid Nurgaliyev, the Moscow prosecutor Yuri Semin, a representative of the Moscow Cite Court Olga Yegorova, as well as to the media and human rights organizations.

Complaining of aggressive and emotional testimony of Nicholas Zuev [a member of the recruit's family who testified against the police officers], the police claimed that he had "followed [his testimony] with attempts to put pressure on the court through appeals to the media and public opinion." Police officers said: "The media announced in advance that our comrades are criminals."
It seems that the police officers have been insulted given the epithets that have been applied to them: Gestapo, bandits, drunks, and worse in the media and in popular opinion.

The incident in question occurred in August 2006 when police officers showed up at the Zuev apartment to pick up the youngest son to serve in the military. The family argued that the youngest son had medical documentation demonstrating that he was not fit to serve in the military. Shortly afterwards, a major and two police officers showed up at the apartment and an argument ensued with a number of family members being injured.

It seems that the police officers in question would prefer that complaints against the police would never be publicized and that they always be shown in a favorable light.

Saturday, August 11, 2007

Propaganda

In reading the Russian News and Information Agency (rian.ru), I am struck by the subtle means in which it is presenting its vision of Russia. I would even qualify it as propaganda. The way that it reports the news is presenting a very optimistic vision of Russia, one in which Russia is clearly leading the world in the creation of wealth and innovation. In reading the headlines, one could easily think that Russia easily equals the United States in wealth, power and prestige. This is done through the very subtle use of the words "could" and "should" and "soon."

I cite as an example, a news article entitled: "Russia should increase aircraft production by 2025 - Putin." In this piece, Vladimir Putin, the President of Russia, is cited as saying that "Russia should produce 300 passenger airliners annually and double production of military aircraft by 2025." The article simply presents the president's words as fact: "It [the United Building Aircraft Corporation] has the task of producing annually 300 passenger airliners by 2025," Vladimir Putin said. "As for military aviation, we plan to double annual production." Granted, it is a short piece, but it leaves the impression that Russia will be producing hundreds of passenger airlines within a generation. Is this truly feasible? Also, 18 years is a long time in the history of any country. Who would have guessed in 1979, when Soviet forces were invading Afghanistan, that the Berlin Wall would fall within a measly 10 years? Reporting that Russia hopes to produce any number of planes in 2025 borders on the farcical, unless you are aiming at producing propaganda.

Another popular article: "Gazprom could become world's richest company-Medvedev." Here RIAN cites Dmitry Medvedev, who is also chairman of the Gazprom board of directors, as saying to the German magazine Stern: "Gazprom has the largest natural gas reserves in the world. When I joined the board of directors (in 2000), the concern was worth about $8 billion, but today it is more than $250 billion. One day it could become the world's most valuable company." Why is this newsworthy? And, is GAZPROM really worth $250 billion? According to Forbes Magazine, GAZPROM is the world's 52nd richest company and its worth is estimated at 81 billion. It is an achievement, but why exaggerate GAZPROM's claims and why should RIAN take at face value what the chairman of GAZPROM says to a reporter. Unless, the goal is to create the impression that soon Russia will be one of the world's richest countries.

Finally, this article entitled "Russia to build fifth-generation fighter prototype soon" relies on the ambiguous word "soon." The article affirms that "At present, we have completed the development of technical documentation for the fifth-generation fighter and passed it to the production plant, which will start construction in the near future," Colonel General Zelin said."
The Russian Army has therefore developed "plans" for the new fighter jet and is looking to build it. It optimistically hopes that the plan will go from draft to flying prototype in a bit more than a year. The Colonel General is truly an optimistic man.

All told, the Russian News Agency is in many ways propagandistic. It is not simply reporting the news, it is creating the news. The goal clearly to create an image of Russia as a powerful and rich country that is gaining in greatness and prestige daily.

The Panopticon and Russia


The panopticon was a design for prisons developed in England by English philosopher Jeremy Bentham. The image to the left was taken from the Wikipedia article on the panopticon which correctly provides the goal of such prisons: "The concept of the design is to allow an observer to observe (-opticon) all (pan-) prisoners without the prisoners being able to tell if they are being observed or not, thus conveying a "sentiment of an invisible omniscience." In his own words, Bentham described the Panopticon as "a new mode of obtaining power of mind over mind, in a quantity hitherto without example." The goal of such prisons was to minimize the number of guards surveying the prisoners. One guard could see into all the cells and observe what any prisoner was doing at any time. The prisoner would therefore never know if he was being watched or not and thus would come to discipline himself (I will use the masculine as there were no prisons, to the best of my knowledge, build for women using the panopticon design).

Michel Foucault was inspired by the idea of the panopticon in his writings and notably in his writings on crime and punishment. The goal of modernity was to have individuals regulate themselves and they would seek to fit their lives to the larger norms of society.

With modern technology, it is never possible to know who is watching when you are online and the possible consequences of what you have written. One blogger in Russia recently discovered the dangers of expressing one's ideas in Russia.

The online gazeta.ru reported on August 10, 2007, that a musician was arrested in the Komi Republic for a comment that he posted in his blog. The comment (my translation) that raised the ire of police and prosecutors: "Cops and and criminals are one and the same. It would be quite good if corrupt cops were periodically burnt on Stefan's Square [in downtown Syktyvkar]." Here, the blogger does not state that tomorrow or at any time a few police officers should be rounded up and burnt at the stake. Rather, he is using the conditional and this is clearly a hyperbole indicating his frustration with the corruption that he sees as rampant among police officers.

What does this blogger face if convicted? Maximum punishment: a fine of 200,000 rubles and five years in a penal colony. Given that a good wage in Syktyvkar is 10,000 rubles per month, the potential fine is equivalent to two years worth of salary.

The police went to great extremes to connect the accused to the blog. The academic writings of the blogger were seized and academics were called upon to demonstrate that based on the linguistic evidence the blogger and the accused were one and the same individual. A lot of time and effort was clearly put to arrest a blogger for an online rant.

Why is this like the panopticon? Clearly, no state can supervise all bloggers, nor can it listen in to all phone call, because any state will quickly go bankrupt if it tries to supervise all citizens at all times. However, like a prison designed using the idea of the panopticon, it is not necessary to supervise everybody at all times. Rather, all that is necessary is to arrest a few individuals and then make it clear that all could be potentially watched at any time and any could therefore be arrested. This, it is hoped, will be enough to have the citizenry regulate itself. If there is a potential for arrest, then many will simply stay quiet and will refrain from saying what they think, and this will dampen any expressions of free thought. This is what George Orwell had in mind when writing 1984 and it may be time to dust off this old classic...

Friday, August 10, 2007

Greatness

Robert Amsterdam's blog cites an interesting piece by Nina Khrushcheva published online in the International Herald Tribune. She compares Gogol's Russia with contemporary Russia. Gogol according to Khrushcheva was a "a genius who depicted Russia as it is - a country of illusions and imagination, in which perceptions are more important than facts, where officials are corrupt and people are oppressed because they all live in a dream of empire." By extension, she argues that Russians still live in a dream of empire.

When coming to Russia, one of the common assertions made by the populace is that of Russia greatness. Russia was, is, and must be a great country. Greatness is invariably judged in terms of military might. Vladimir Putin has been emphasizing Russia's return to greatness and the media has been used to propagate a new sense of greatness in the population. However, if a country is truly great, does it continually have to affirm it? Is is truly necessary to repeat it endlessly. True greatness is recognized by all and it is not necessary for it to be repeated ad nauseum.

Nina Khrushcheva highlights that the Russian state is using every mean possible to preach the greatness of Russia. She writes:

So, how does Putin's Russia answer the question of what is to be done? It uses news broadcasts, entertainment programs, billboards and even childrens' cartoons to remind everyone that Russia is great.

Subway loudspeakers recite poems about the country's greatness. Posters call for strengthening the military.

Uniforms are in and patriotic youth organizations such as Nashi (Ours), successor to the Soviet-era Pioneers, are on the march. The economy is great, Gazprom is great, the military is great, Putin is great: The empire remains ours.

The question is what is Russian greatness? It is certainly not the economy nor is it the quality of life of most of its inhabitants. What if greatness was defined in improving the lives of all the citizens of Russia? Sadly, this is a rarely a criteria in defining Russian greatness.

Russia's Poverty

Russia's elite likes to take pride in the new riches of Moscow. They claim that Moscow is comparable to Paris and London and New York. However, the true indicator of Russia's success (or lack of success) is the status of its villages. Moscow millionaires drive around in their Mercedes, but the main form of transportation in distant Russian villages are horse-drawn carriages.

In the research I conducted in the Komi Republic, the inequalities of Russian society are glaring. There is no natural gas and most homes are heated with wood burning stoves. Likewise, wells provide water and for most a cow or a goat ensured survival when salaries were not paid. Moscow might as well be in another country.

This reality is overlooked by the elites in Moscow. One GAZPROM commercial that was airing when I was in the Komi Republic features a wood burning fire heating some boiling water, replaced by coal and finally replaced by natural gas. The voice over informs viewers that GAZPROM is the future. However, this commercial overlooks the fact that much of Russia has no natural gas, even in regions that produce the natural gas and contribute to Russia's wealth. If anything, GAZPROM does not have much interest in ensuring that more Russians have access to natural gas for heating their homes: it is increasingly difficult for GAZPROM to meet the needs of all its clients both inside the country and outside. It is better for GAZPROM if rurual villages do not have access to natural gas as this leaves more gas for export to Europe.

The BBC features an in-depth piece that examines the two Russia's: the Russia of the oligarchs and the urban elite and the other Russia living in poverty.

To cite the article:

An hour and a half further on, off the main road and down a puddle-strewn bumpy track which nearly maroons the taxi on a mudbank, we arrive at the tiny village of Fedotova.

At first glance, it looks abandoned.

Some wooden houses have collapsed in on themselves. Others are sloping dangerously, and many have neither roof nor glass in the windows.

In the distance, we see two old people lugging plastic buckets to a well: clearly there is no running water.

It turns out that 20 years ago, this used to be a thriving village with two shops, a club and 85 families.

But when the collective farm went bust, all the jobs went.

Now just 12 houses are inhabited and the only regular link with the outside world is a weekly bread van.

Otherwise the villagers, who live on their own produce, chickens and goats and by selling honey and berries at the market, have to walk the 4km to the road on foot.

This is not the exception, rather it is typical of most of Russia including the Komi Republic. Little wealth is reaching villages and the poor. The main improvement in recent years is the fact that pensions are paid on time. Quite often, a pension is the only source of cash for families. Too often, rural villages are marked by unemployment and alcoholism.

Thursday, August 09, 2007

The Status of the French-language in Québec

Over four decades ago, John Porter published his seminal work The Vertical Mosaic: An Analysis of Social Class and Power in Canada. Published in 1965, this work examined the distribution of power and wealth in Canada and argued that there was a vertical mosaic in Canada. That is to say that the ethnic groups were aligned in a vertical hierarchy with some ethnic groups having greater economic clout than others. At the top of the hierarchy was the Anglo-Saxon economic elite with French-Canadians much farther down and Canada's indigenous populations at the very bottom.

Porter's findings did not mean that every Anglo-Saxon in Canada was wealthy, but it did signify that as a group, they did much better than all the others. Their average incomes, for example, was much higher than all the rest and they owned a much larger proportion of Canada's wealth, industry and businesses.

John Porter's research had a tremendous impact on the country. It certainly inspired Canadian policy on multiculturalism. The goal was to give all Canadians equal access to the country wealth. Such research also pushed change in Québec, including pushing the provincial government to adopt Bill 101. This bill is most famous in Canada for its French-only regulations regarding signs (which was overturned in part by the Supreme Court), but the major thrust of the bill was to promote a greater equality between French and English speakers. It sought to promote the use of the French langauge as a language of work, thus allowing greater social mobility for French-speakers.

In many ways, the bill was a success: French-speakers have made tremendous gains when it comes to average income and overall social status. However, bilingual French-speakers are at a distinct advantage: they have on average the highest wages along with bilingual English-speakers. Unilingual French-speakers in Québec fare even worse than unilingual English-speakers in the province, even though they represent over 80% of the population. However, the gains have been substantial.

The National Post published recently an article examining these gains made by French-speakers in Quebec. Below is an excerpt from the article.

Francophones are increasingly taking charge of the Quebec economy and closing the salary gap with anglophones in the province, says a C.D. Howe Institute report.
Francophone ownership of public- and private-sector businesses in Quebec grew from 47.1% to 67.1% from 1961 to 2003, according to study results released Tuesday.

The report, entitled "Laggards No More: The Changed Socioeconomic Status of Francophones in Quebec," appears on the eve of the 30th anniversary of passage of Bill 101, provincial legislation governing French in the workplace and in schools.

The relative income gap between anglophone and francophone employees has narrowed in the three decades between 1970 and 2000.

But while francophone workers are catching up fast, the report says the average income of unilingual francophones in 2000 still lagged behind the incomes of unilingual anglophones and bilingual workers.

The average income of unilingual francophone males was $29,665 in 2000, compared with $34,097 for unilingual anglophones, the report said. Bilingual anglophone and francophone workers earned average incomes of $38,745 and $38,851, respectively.

Being able to speak only French or English had less impact on women's salaries during that same period. But bilingual women generally earned more. In 2000, bilingual francophone and anglophone women earned average incomes of $26,644 and $26,247, respectively, compared with unilingual francophones ($20,786) and anglophones ($23,002).

English- and French-speaking allophones have generally seen their earnings decrease by comparison with francophone salaries since 1970, the report showed.
The average income statistics did not take into account the workers' respective education levels or experience, noted Yvan Guillemette, senior policy analyst for C.D. Howe.

The report, which updates previous studies on language and income, was co-authored by Francois Vaillancourt, an economics professor at Universite de Montreal, Dominique Lemay, an economist with Tecsult, and McGill University law student Luc Vaillancourt.

The authors note three factors that might have played an important role in the changing fortunes of francophone and anglophone workers:

  • A significant departure of anglos from Quebec from 1970 to 2000 in reaction to provincial language laws, the threat of separatism, head-office relocations, and economic booms elsewhere;
  • Growth in Quebec's public and private sectors, providing more jobs for qualified francophones;
  • Increased purchasing power of francophones, who demand goods and services in French.
The study did not lead to new public policy recommendations, Guillemette said, but the authors did reiterate previous suggestions, including the compulsory use of French on signs, in addition to other languages; businesses to serve the local market in French; use of French as the language of work in Quebec; and French as the common language of all students, from kindergarten to Grade 3.

The C.D. Howe report is one of several studies that the Office quebecois de la langue francaise expects to review or produce in the lead-up to 30th anniversary of Bill 101 on Aug. 26, spokesman Gerald Paquette said yesterday.

This article demonstrates the role of the state in promoting greater equality. A proactive state, in this case the province and the federal government with official bilingualism, helped French-speakers gain greater social mobility.

The question remains as to why unilingual French speakers are still at the bottom of the heap? Though the research does not examine why this is the case, I can hypothesize as to the causes. The knowledge of English is tied to locate and education: an individual who has a university education is more likely to know some English and a higher education is correlated with higher earnings. Likewise, a French-speaker in Montreal is more likely to come into contact with the English language and as this is the economic center of the province, this will also provide job opportunities and better salaries than are generally available in more distant regions far from Montreal and the Saint Lawrence valley.

Wednesday, August 08, 2007

The Stifling Russian Bureaucracy

The Moscow Times featured an article that examined Russia's efforts to develop a strong IT culture and to promote economic development in Russia. The Russian state want to imitate India and its successful high-tech industry that focuses on computer programming. Russia's efforts are bogged down in bureacracy. According to the Moscow Times:

[Sergei Matsotsky, general director of leading IT firm Information Business Systems] said the original legislation would have spurred the IT industry and made it competitive with India and China. But seemingly never-ending promises and declarations from state officials took precedence over real action, he said.

As the law stands now, IT companies can qualify for tax relief if they export 70 percent of their goods and employ at least 50 people. But no company can claim the relief because the law, which came into force Jan. 1, also requires them to register with a special government agency, which has yet to be created.

Bureaucracy has also beset attempts to simplify export duties on software and reduce the value-added tax.

The Russian state is spending billions on other high-tech ventures such as nanotechnology, but it is not addressing the main challenges facing the country and its economy: the stifling bureaucracy that crushes initiative and the Russian state's endless bureaucracy.

Monday, August 06, 2007

What Where They Thinking?

The Moscow Times reports that Magna is having some doubts about its new partnership with the Russian billionaire and oligarch Oleg Deripaska:

Magna, Canada's largest automobile parts manufacturer, warned last week that Oleg Deripaska's $1.5 billion investment in the firm could result in the Russian government becoming a minority shareholder.

In a memorandum filed with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission ahead of a shareholder meeting on Aug. 28, Magna outlined the risks involved in the tie-up with Deripaska, including the possibility that Deripaska's Basic Element holding group or its automotive subsidiary, Russian Machines, could be nationalized.

"Certain political forces continue to call for the results of economic reforms, including the privatization of Russian enterprises, such as Basic Element, to be reversed," Magna said in the memorandum.


What was Frank Stronach thinking? Every Russian political pundit and analyst this side of the Urals could have told them that months ago.

Cows, CO2 and Dying

Rod Liddle in a piece entitled "Give Russia the Arctic and look forward to another toxic disaster." The piece excoriates Russia (and the former Soviet Union) for the environmental damage it has committed in the name of Communism.

At the end of the piece, he has an interesting comment with regards to cars and global warming. He writes:

Listen to this latest news from the green lobby: walking is four times more damaging to the ozone layer than driving a car. A brisk walk to the shops will require you to eat 100 grams of, say, beef, thus resulting in 3.6kg of emissions used to produce your steak. A car journey would produce less than 1kg of emissions. So, save the planet and buy a car.

With a bit of googling, I discovered that some environmentalists did say this. According to Chris Goodall's site how to live a low-carbon life: "If it's only greenhouse gas emissions you are worried about, then it may be better to drive than to walk." The online PDF document states that "The troubling fact is that taking a lot of exercise and then eating a bit more food is not
good for the global atmosphere. Eating less and driving to save energy would be better."

It is true that modern agriculture consumes a lot of energy: you need diesel for the tractors and the large trucks hauling the foods produced, you need even more energy and hydrocarbons to produce chemical fertilizers and pesticides. The only true alternative is to grow your own foods. This, however, is not realistic for most people. Few people have a few acres handy to produce everything that they need. What is the solution?

I agree with Adam Stein that if we examine our lives, everything good for you is bad for the environment. As he notes, some environmental researchers have concluded that even riding a bicycle is bad for the environment. In many ways, environmentalism is the new religion to many, and in the Anglo-American tradition, this religion is imbued with its share of Puritans who preach an austere life in the name of Green.

The easiest solution of course would be to stop eating. You would certainly stop burning carbon-based energies (aka food) and you would eventually stop producing CO2. But, if you do choose this route, make sure to die green. Embalming fluids are bad for the environment and you want to be efficiently recycle. This article highlights that dying green is the way to go :-)

Glaciers and Permafrost

The Globe and Mail featured a piece today entitled "Melting glaciers unearth new challenges Roads, buildings, rail lines and airports will cost more to replace as their foundations turn into sludge." When reading the title, I automatically knew that it was wrong: melting glaciers do not threaten infrastructure, but melting permafrost does. The first section of the article talks exclusively about glaciers and how they are retreating. It is only halfway down the first page of the online article that we get to the real problem:

According to a recent University of Alaska study, climate change could add as much as $6-billion to what is now expected to be the $40-billion cost of building and maintaining public infrastructure in Alaska between now and 2030.

Alaska's roads, buildings, railroads and airports are all going to cost more to replace in part because the foundation upon which they are built is turning into sludge. That once permanently frozen subsoil - permafrost - is thawing.

"This is a huge issue for the state," said Peter Larsen, co-author of the report by the Institute of Social and Economic Research. "Canadians should be interested in this issue as well because a place like the Yukon faces the same challenges.

"What is going to happen to the permafrost when temperatures go above freezing? The airport in Nome is having a severe problem with thawing permafrost, and there are people from the state's Department of Transportation on the ground there trying to deal with the fact that the runway is facing a serious problem."


Melting permafrost usually turns into mud. This poses two main threats to construction: building that are built upon a solid foundation of permafrost will start to sink into the mud should the permafrost melt. If a slope has a high ice content in the permafrost, then you risk having a mudslide if the slope melts. This, of course, will endanger anything built on the slope or below the slope.

The Globe and Mail article is clearly more infatuated with glaciers than permafrost. Glaciers are somewhat sexier than permafrost when describing the dangers of global warming. It is a shame as permafrost is a fascinating thing.

In the countries that have permafrost, it is necessary to deal with permafrost to build any structure. In the Russian Far East, massive apartment building 10 or more stories high were built on pilings driven deep down into the permafrost. Space was left between the building and the soil to allow air to circulate and to dissipate heat generated by the building and its inhabitants away from the soil so the permafrost would not melt. Without this, all these building would have tilted, reminiscent of the Leaning Tower of Pisa before collapsing.

The building of roads is particularly challenging. The tires rolling on the pavement generate heat, a byproduct of friction. Without friction, there would be no traction, and cars and trucks would not move. The heat generated by the cars and trucks eventually melts the permafrost and can create massive sinkholes below the pavement. The only way of avoiding this is by insulating the permafrost from the pavement to ensure that the permafrost does not melt.

The natural environment is of course shaped by the permafrost. Amazing natural structures can emerge in the landscape: hills of pure ice that push upwards out of the ground. These are not glaciers, rather, they are features of the permafrost itself.

Permafrost is central to life in the Far North and are as interesting as glaciers in my opinion.

Sunday, August 05, 2007

The NDP and the Arctic

The buzz over the Russian Arctic expedition continues. It seems the NDP is pushing the Canadian government to assert Canadian sovereignty much more aggressively in the north. It is criticizing the federal government for not building an icebreaker that could compete with Russia's. According to the Globe and Mail, the leader of the NDP said:

"To exercise our sovereignty, Canada needs vessels that can go anywhere, any time, in those areas we claim as our own," said Mr. Layton, calling for an immediate increase in government funding for scientific research that would gather evidence to support Canada's Arctic claim.

"Rather than buying military 'slushbreakers,' we should be building new polar icebreakers...to break ice for commercial vessels, help re-supply northern communities, maintain navigation devices, provide search and rescue, and support research scientists," Mr. Layton said.

The Russian expedition certainly served a useful purpose: it forced Canadian politicians and journalists to look north and to realize the importance that the Arctic may and will play in the future. Russia clearly understands the potential economic importance of the Arctic and the importance of asserting its sovereignty over as much of the Arctic as it can claim.

However, Russia should invest more in protecting the Arctic as some of the greatest threats to the Arctic Ocean come from Russia. The BBC has reported on the nuclear waste that is stored on the shores of the Arctic Ocean in northern Russia:

For almost half a century, the Northern Fleet has operated two-thirds of the navy's nuclear-powered vessels. Much of the spent fuel from these vessels has been dumped directly into the Barents and Kara seas, with the remainder placed in vastly inadequate storage. Wasteland A journey west along the Kola Peninsula's rugged Barents Sea coastline displays a natural beauty that belies the harsh realities lying hidden below the choppy surface.

About halfway between Severomorsk and the Norwegian border lies Andreeva Bay, an environmental nightmare where the waters are completely devoid of life.

Leaks from the region's largest nuclear waste storage facility mean no fish will ever swim in this fjord. Onshore, both the soil and the groundwater are badly contaminated.

On this vast site, 32 tons of highly radioactive waste with a high uranium content is stored in crumbling concrete bunkers and rusting tanks and containers - about a third of the nuclear waste mountain that can be found on the Kola Peninsula.

Most of it is spent fuel from the Northern Fleet's nuclear powered submarines, some from nuclear powered ice breakers.

And these days nobody, not even the officials in charge, suggests it is safe.
Given that the icebreaker that traveled to the North Pole was a nuclear-powered ice breaker, one day in the future the spent fuel from this very ship may one day pollute the waters of the Arctic Ocean that Russia is claiming.

Canada's Middle Class

This weekend the Globe and Mail published a feature on Canada's middle-class. In a piece authoried entitled "The secrets of Canada's world-leading middle-class success," Doug Saunders examines how Canada is a global exception. Where most countries have seen a shrinking middle-class with a growing polarization between the wealthy and the poor, Canada's middle-class has actually grown and not simply because the rich are getting poorer, but rather because the poor have climbed into the middle-class. Below, you will find the article in full as I believe it is well worth reading it in its entirety.

I have to say that it has always been my dream of joining the middle-class. I grew up on a farm in northern Alberta. My childhood consisted of playing on the farm, picking rocks in the field, helping with the livestock and exploring some of the junk piled up here and there. We were not poor, but we certainly did not fit into middle-class America. If anything, a lot of redneck jokes applied to the world I grew up in.

The article is correct in that a growing middle-class needs the support of the state. If one day I join the middle-class, I can only thank the Canadian state which made it possible for me to get an education at a reasonable price with student loans. Most of the people that I grew up with went on to pursue their studies and become nurses, dentists, accountants and teachers. This in spite of the fact that for many of us our parents did not even graduate from high school.

In fact, the region where I grew up in northern Alberta has shifted from a relatively poor working class region to an increasingly rural middle-class collection of villages. Those that do stay in the region usually do so after a stint in the city (Edmonton) where they did their diplomas and degrees before returning to their home region. They build homes that are typical suburban homes that would not be out of place in Edmonton or Calgary or Toronto and they too shop at Costco and the malls of Edmonton when they visit.

A lot more work must be done to combat poverty in Canada, but I am optimistic. We have achieved a lot, though me must work to do even more.

The secrets of Canada's world-leading middle-class success

This long weekend, as Canadian highways fill with lakeside-bound cars and airports with resort-bound families, it is hard to believe that we are anything but a middle-class nation.

After years of full employment and impressive economic growth, you'd think the entire country had been elevated into the secure world of home ownership, retirement savings and weekends on the dock. There's some truth to this vision – but it's a lot stranger than you'd think.

The middle class, around the world, is in trouble. As my articles from India in the past two weeks have shown, poor countries are seeing stunning growth without producing the sort of big, sustainable middle class that leads to peace and long-term stability. There are too many barriers to prevent people from leaving poverty.

But what about countries such as ours, which have had big middle classes for decades? Here, we see a surprising version of the same effect – with notable exceptions. A comprehensive look at the workings of the world's middle class has just been published by Steven Pressman, an economist at Monmouth University in New Jersey. In his The Decline of the Middle Class: An International Perspective, Canada plays a fascinating role.

Were all these people disappearing from the middle class because they got rich? Or had they failed to find a place on the economic escalator and slipped to the ground floor?

“There was both upward and downward mobility,” Mr. Pressman told me, “but downward mobility exceeded upward mobility by around two to one.”

But there are exceptions to this trend. Switzerland's and Germany's middle classes stayed roughly the same size. And two countries – Norway and Canada – saw their middle classes grow substantially. In Canada, it grew to 37 per cent of the population from 33 per cent, the equivalent of a whole mid-sized province joining the station-wagon brigade, moving Canada into the league of Scandinavian nations in the size of its middle class.

Some of this came from wealthier Canadians being humbled: During the same 20 years, the upper class shrank by 1.9 percentage points, to 33.3 per cent of the population. But more came from poor families moving up. Canada is a middle-class success story, especially compared with the slouching United States. But the story doesn't end there.

Mr. Pressman set out to learn what is making the middle class collapse in many countries but expand in others. Some have attributed these changes to an aging population, the number of working women or divorce rates. He used statistical methods to remove age and gender from the picture, but the patterns remained the same.

Then he looked at unemployment: Were countries with rising employment rates experiencing a growing middle class? Nope. Britain has far lower unemployment than Canada, but a shrinking middle class: “While jobs were being added, households were not moving into the middle class.” In the Netherlands, unemployment fell dramatically, but the middle class declined.

Then Mr. Pressman took his data and subtracted everything except salary and wage earnings. That is, he looked at what would be happening if people lived off only the money paid by their employers.

Suddenly, everything changed. Canada's great middle-class boom turned into an enormous decline: If people were forced to live off their earnings alone, our middle class would have shrunk by a staggering six percentage points. The same was true in Germany. In Britain, the middle class would have contracted even more dramatically.

What had Mr. Pressman subtracted? In short, government: All the handouts, tax benefits, subsidies and rebates that transfer money into middle-class pockets (not including pensions). Without government help, Canada's middle class would be endangered.

In a modern economy, Mr. Pressman told me, “I am not sure that the middle class can be self-sustaining. It seems to require active government policies. The market tends to produce great inequalities in income; these inequalities seem greater in a global economy.” Contrary to earlier economic belief, the countries that are most competitive in a globalized economy are those with the most robust tax-and-spend programs. But they have to be aimed at the right places.

Many Canadian families wouldn't be middle-class if it weren't for government handouts. One key example is the thousands of dollars that Ottawa reimburses parents for child-care expenses each year: Without it, many women wouldn't be able to work, so their families would be deprived of one income and may slide into the lower-class bracket. Tax-funded aid for education savings, first-time home buying, retirement savings plans and medical coverage add up: If you gave up all these breaks, would you still be in the middle class?

I compared these findings to information on the money governments actually spend on different classes and got a surprising result: The countries doing well are the ones that don't just help out the middle class, but do so at the expense of the poor.

Canada hands a comparatively paltry 22 per cent of its spending to the poorest three-10ths of the population and a generous 64 per cent to the middle four-10ths, according to the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development. Germany, one of the few other countries with a non-shrinking middle, gives only 22.3 per cent to the poor.

Compare that with Britain, whose Labour government spent the 1990s changing social programs so that the money went to the poor rather than the middle class; in Britain today, 34.7 per cent of social spending goes to the lowest-income third – and yet the British middle class has shrunk. In Sweden, where almost 30 per cent of spending goes to the poor, the middle class was clobbered.

(An exception is Norway, which spends a record-breaking 43.8 per cent on its poorest third and saw middle-class gains even bigger than Canada's. But Norway's economy consists largely of oil revenues, allowing taxes and spending levels that, in other countries, would probably destroy the very economy that makes the welfare state possible.)

However, countries that saw middle-class gains also tend to be ones that don't tax the poor heavily. Sweden, surprisingly, does. Canada doesn't. Arguably, governments gain more by making middle-class life easier than by simply aiding the poor. The poorest third are doing a lot better now than they did 20 years ago; unlike the middle class, they saw formidable income gains. But not enough to shift many of them into the secure middle.

It may be that traditional welfare-state programs do more to keep people in poverty than to guide them out – a criticism that has been levelled from both the left and the right. Or perhaps there's a new sub-class of “precarious” casual workers, who never are quite poor enough to qualify for welfare or prosperous enough to earn the state benefits of the comfortable middle. Such workers, key to our new national wealth, could be in serious trouble.

Herein lies the paradox of the modern middle class: Its existence is reliant on a thriving and open market economy, but its size and sustainability are equally dependent on the tax-and-spend mechanisms of the modern welfare state – which, it turns out, are even more important in globalized, high-competition economies.

The countries that are doing best are those that spend serious money on cultivating and maintaining a middle class. Many poor countries, despite having developed booming economies during the past 15 years, fail to join the middle-class club because they can't afford to erect government-supported stepladders to success. And countries such as Canada, which can and do spend that money, have done the best at surviving the social turmoil of our age.

Fire in Prince George

Yesterday, thick black smoke billowed in the sky not too far from my home. Planes circled the blaze. I thought it was a forest fire, but the smoke was just too black. This morning, it seems this blaze made the new in the Globe and Mail. According to the Globe:
CN Rail says a fire that started after a train accident in Prince George, B.C. is completely out and work is under way to repair the track.

CN spokeswoman Kelli Svendson says it's hoped the track along the banks of the Fraser River will be back in service by this afternoon.

Police say it appears a train derailed and collided with a second train Saturday.

The resulting fire in one engine, a tanker car and a lumber car spewed thick black smoke into the skies over Prince George.

Thursday, August 02, 2007

The Quest for the North Pole

The Russian expedition reached the North Pole reports the BBC and the Russian mini-sub touched the ocean floor and planted a Russian flag. What does this mean for Canada and the world?

Peter MacKay, the Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister mocked the Russian expedition. According to The National Post:

Foreign Affairs Minister Peter MacKay dismissed it as "just a show" of Russian bravado.

In Charlottetown for the federal Conservative caucus meeting this week, Mr. MacKay said the diving expedition and flag-planting are "no threat to Canadian sovereignty."

Mr. MacKay, in a televised interview just hours after the Russian announcement, said: "This isn't the 15th century. You can't go around the world and just plant flags and say, We're claiming this territory.'

"There is no threat to Canadian sovereignty in the Arctic ... we're not at all concerned about this mission -- basically it's just a show by Russia," he told CTV.

The National Post continues by analyzing Canadian ambitions in the Arctic and whether Canada can compete with Russia. Canada cannot as it lack an icebreaker of cutting across the Arctic ice. In order for Canada to conduct its own research in the Arctic Ocean, research required for Canada to lay its own claim on the Arctic Ocean, it would have to rent a heavy icebreaker from either Russia or Finland:

Though the Russian findings are far from proven, one expert, Mr. Michael Byers, Canada Research Chair in global politics and international law at the University of British Columbia, says Canada needs to identify possible underwater extensions to its own landmass before a 2013 deadline under the UN accord.

"Getting the work done on time will likely involve chartering a heavy icebreaker from Russia or Finland," Mr. Byers told CanWest News Service earlier this week. "So be it. The stakes involved more than justify the cost."

The Arctic ice may still be cold, but the race to claim the Arctic Ocean is certainly warming up quite quickly.

Gorbachev's Distorted View of Putinism

The Moscow Times published an opinion piece by David Marples, a historian at the University of Alberta. This is a wonderful piece that summarizes nicely the political changes that have occurred since the fall of the Soviet Union. You can read the full piece below, but I do encourage you to read The Moscow Times as it provides a thorough reporting on the news from Russia.

President Vladimir Putin has an unexpected ally in his current war of words with the United States -- Mikhail Gorbachev, former president of the Soviet Union and architect of perestroika and glasnost, the reform movement that started the democratization process in Russia. Gorbachev maintains that Putin has reconstructed Russia and enabled it to recover from the economic crisis of the 1990s and that he is intent on establishing a democratic society.

Although his standing in his own country has long since dissipated, Gorbachev enjoys a lingering and genuine respect and admiration in the West. Thus, his comments sparked editorials in many Western newspapers and understandably some vitriolic reactions, particularly to his comment that the United States is obsessed with a "victory complex" and that it has embarked on a new era of imperialism.

Of more interest, perhaps, is Gorbachev's perception of the recent history of his own country, which can be summarized as follows: An era of reform began with his own administration in 1985, and through his policy of perestroika and glasnost, the world observed the onset of democratic reforms, openness and an end to the Cold War.

In the 1990s, however, following the end of the U.S.S.R. and the onset of the presidency of Boris Yeltsin, Russia experienced a sharp economic downturn with the impoverishment of the people, widespread corruption and the uncontrolled power of very rich oligarchs, who were interested in enriching themselves rather than the people.


Putin has, in Gorbachev's view, reversed these trends, thus continuing his goals, albeit by using more arbitrary methods. Therefore, Putin's achievements far outweigh his flaws and there is no justification for the foreign media to adopt such a negative stance toward his government. Putin will leave office in 2008, as mandated by the Constitution, but he will continue to play an important role in the nation's political and economic affairs as well as in its foreign policy.

What is wrong with this picture?

It is true that Gorbachev introduced reforms, but they were introduced haphazardly and without any clear forethought. In 1991, Gorbachev's opponents tried to carried out a coup, but they were thwarted by popular resistance led by Yeltsin, the brash reformer best known at that time for throwing away his Communist Party membership card and opposing the Soviet nomenklatura. Unlike Gorbachev, Yeltsin subjected himself to a national election in the then-Russian Republic of the U.S.S.R. And it was Yeltsin, in his capacity as the new president of the post-Soviet Russian Federation, who authorized the shock therapy that transformed the country from a command economy to a market-oriented one.

Admittedly, the situation deteriorated subsequently with the rise of oligarchs such as Boris Berezovsky, Vladimir Gusinsky and others, who gained their wealth as a result of the reckless and unwarranted sale of key state assets at cut-rate prices. Corruption became an uncontrollable problem, and Yeltsin himself spent long periods incapacitated by health problems. Moreover, in 1998, Russia experienced a financial crisis so severe that it almost led to a collapse of the economy.

Against the background of the Yeltsin era, Putin certainly deserves some praise. He has brought order to society, curbed the outflow of capital and ended the reign of unpopular oligarchs. He has brought about state ownership over key companies such as Gazprom, which also controls a hefty share of Russian oil output. To be sure, he has been blessed with remarkably good fortune, particularly in the rise in world prices for oil and gas, over which he had no control.

Gorbachev's version of events chooses to ignore some key aspects of Putin's two terms in office, including the renewal of the war in Chechnya and the growing control over the media. Ironically, one exception to that comment is Gorbachev's own newspaper, Novaya Gazeta, whose most prominent journalist and Putin critic, Anna Politkovskaya, was assassinated in October.

Moreover, Gorbachev ignored the fact that Putin has reduced the State Duma to little more than a talking shop (and it is highly unlikely that any real opposition faction will emerge). His acolytes in United Russia won 222 out of the 450 seats in the 2003 Duma elections, and, together with several minor parties, make up a firm majority. He has also appointed governors, ending gubernatorial elections three years ago.

The reduction of the power of the oligarchs, while popular, is clearly politically motivated. Mikhail Khodorkovsky, former CEO of Yukos, has served an eight-year sentence for fraud in a maximum-security prison in Krasnokamensk, a remote and toxic-ridden town in the Chita region (in December, Khodorkovsky was transferred to a detention center to Chita in connection with the new charges brought against him.)

Khodorkovsky was singled out for the harshest treatment because of his political ambitions. Putin has stronger grounds for demanding the extradition from Britain of Boris Berezovsky, who has advocated the violent overthrow of the government. But other oligarchs have been left untouched, either because they have no political ambitions or because they have declared their loyalty to the Putin government.

On several occasions, relations with neighbors have been strained. Tiny Estonia suffered a cyberattack on its government networks following the dismantling of a Soviet-era statue commemorating World War II victims. And Putin's overt backing of the flawed presidential campaign of Ukraine Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych sparked the Orange Revolution in 2004.

Lastly, the state-run Gazprom claims to apply the laws of the market, but uses draconian business tactics and arbitrary pricing. Thus, Belarus pays less for gas than Ukraine, which in turn pays less than Georgia, whose government has been hostile toward Moscow.

Putin has indeed led Russia's recovery, restored national pride, and raised the country to the level of a powerful regional power. But he has not used democratic methods, his security forces enjoy vast powers, and his own authority is now greater than that enjoyed by his admirer Gorbachev. The latter's depiction of the Putin government seems as distorted as his memory of his own years in office.

David R. Marples, professor of Russian history at the University of Alberta, Canada, is the author of twelve books, including "The Collapse of the Soviet Union, 1985-1991."

Wednesday, August 01, 2007

The Proliferation of Chiefs

The BBC has an interesting piece on the proliferation of chiefs in Nigeria. Chiefdoms are of course part of the culture of the region, but modernization and the emergence of a modern cash based society has brought new pressures to bear on the traditional office of the chief. Now, the status of chief can be bought by the wealthy and successful and, likewise, every want to be an honorary PhD.

Russia Reaches the North Pole

Russia has reached the North Pole. As reported earlier, Russia is claiming much of the Arctic Ocean. In order to back up their claims, they send an icebreaker and mini-submarines to the North Pole to conduct research to substantiate their claims to ownership of a vast swath of the Arctic Ocean stretching from its northern coasts to the North Pole. For more details, you can read reports in the Globe and Mail, the BBC and the Russian News and Information Agency. As noted in earlier postings, the Russian goal is quite clear: claim the Arctic and the potential oil and gas fields located under the ocean floor. Russia wants to be an "energy superpower" and to do this it must control the largest possible swath of resource-rich territories under the Arctic Ocean. The BBC highlights this fact in one of its online articles:

The Russians are leading a new "gold rush" in the high north, with a bold attempt to assert a claim to oil, gas and mineral rights over large parts of the Arctic Ocean up to the North Pole.

There are billions of dollars at stake and Russia is seeking to legitimize its claim to the Arctic. The question remains as to the potential environmental dangers of unfettered drilling in the Arctic and the social costs of the development. Will the people that live in the Arctic benefit from any future industrial development in the north?

Mushroom Season

It is a nice sunny day today and this may presage a new harvest of wild mushrooms. My wife is teaching me the basics of mushroom picking. So far, we have picked enough mushrooms to enjoy a dish of wild mushroom soup and another dish of potatoes and mushrooms both were delicious.

I have to admit that I was a bit nervous at first. I had never picked mushrooms in Canada and there are many poisonous mushrooms and a few deadly poisonous mushrooms. However, Ekaterina has been picking mushrooms since the age of six with her mother. True, this was in Russia and I hoped that the mushrooms of northern British Columbia were comparable to those in the Komi Republic. I took my courage in hand and did eat the mushrooms with relish. What can I say, I am hooked. We will return to the trails around Prince George and will keep an eye out for edible mushrooms. With the rain we had and a few days of sun, there should be many mushrooms growing in the woods around the city.

The experience highlights how little most people know about the nature that surrounds them. All over the trails there are innumerable berries and mushrooms, yet few people (including me) know what is edible. Yet, throughout most of human history, we have relied on our knowledge of the natural world arround us to survive and thrive. Now, few of us could survive more than a few days in a forest in the summer, a forest that is overflowing with a variety of foods both nutritious and delicious.